A Union worth fighting for

By Arlene Foster

This article originally appeared on The Critic on 18 September 2026. 

On 14th September, the leaders of the SNP, Plaid Cymru and Sinn Féin met in Cardiff to sign a memorandum calling on Westminster to “prepare, plan and facilitate constitutional change in Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland” — including the right to hold referendums on leaving the United Kingdom. They met as party leaders rather than representatives of their respective governments, and Sinn Féin president Mary Lou McDonald also attended.

That distinction matters. They are entitled to meet. They are separatist parties. Breaking up the United Kingdom is, in one form or another, what they exist to achieve.

The impetus for coming together was the results of the last devolved elections in Scotland and Wales. Scotland has long had an SNP First Minister and administration, and the people of Scotland know all about it — falling standards in health and education, never mind “that” ferry — but, for the first time, Plaid Cymru holds the First Minister post in Wales (with a minority Government).

In Northern Ireland, as ever, things are not straight forward. We have a mandatory coalition with four parties in the Executive and a joint office of First Minister, meaning that the First and deputy First Minister act jointly at all times.

Since the great meeting in Cardiff there has been a lot of commentary as to whether devolution and the decision of the Blair administration to push ahead with it has brought us to where we are today. I do believe that where possible, decisions should be taken closer to the people affected by them.

But there is a fundamental difference between devolution and dissolution.We are told the Prime Minister wants to rewire the United Kingdom: the nationalists, meanwhile, want to dismantle it.

That distinction matters particularly in Northern Ireland. Michelle O’Neill is, as vice-president of Sinn Féin, perfectly entitled to argue for Irish unity. What she cannot do is present Sinn Féin’s constitutional ambition as though it were the settled view of the people of Northern Ireland. It isn’t.

Northern Ireland’s constitutional position is not determined by Sinn Féin or, for that matter, me. It is determined by the people of Northern Ireland. That was one of the central tenetsof the Belfast Agreement, which is currently being recast by republicans in Northern Ireland. The principle of consent means Northern Ireland remains part of the United Kingdom unless a majority of its people decide otherwise.

And now Donald Trump has wandered into the debate. During his visit to the Republic of Ireland, the President said he would “love” to see a united Ireland and predicted that it would eventually happen. He is entitled to his opinion — even if it is more to do with the midterm elections in the US than what is important for the citizens of NI. But Northern Ireland isn’t a property deal, nor is its constitutional future something to be casually negotiated between presidents and prime ministers.

Trump’s intervention came hot on the heels of a throw away comment from former prime minister Gordon Brown who was promoting his new book. What is striking about these interventions is the confidence with which people who do not live in Northern Ireland tell those of us who do what our constitutional future will be.

Geography is not political destiny. There are powerful economic, cultural, political and security arguments for Northern Ireland remaining within the United Kingdom.

The Cardiff gathering does tell us something important, however.  Sinn Féin, Plaid Cymru and the SNP increasingly see their constitutional campaigns as mutually reinforcing their position across the UK — which is quite something for Sinn Fein. Unionism needs to understand that.

The answer is not to panic every time nationalists meet, nor is it to try to prevent constitutional arguments being made. The answer is to make the case for the United Kingdom. And thankfully, that case is becoming stronger, not weaker.

Whilst the latest growth figures are not strong and there are headwinds coming towards us, surely this is the moment to concentrate on strengthening our economy rather than embarking on years of constitutional upheaval.

Then there is security. We are living through the most dangerous period Europe has faced since the Cold War. There is war on our continent, growing Russian aggression, daily cyber-attacks and renewed concern about the security of our seas, energy supplies and undersea infrastructure. The Government itself now says we must prepare for the possibility of the UK coming under direct threat in a wartime scenario.

This is why the work of the Together UK Foundation, of which I am chair, matters. The Union is not some historical curiosity to be defended out of nostalgia. It is a living economic, social, cultural and — increasingly — security partnership between England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.

Together UK have already been examining precisely this question. At our recent defence lecture, former senior NATO commander Rear Admiral Chris Parry argued that Northern Ireland’s position within the United Kingdom has strategic importance for Britain’s maritime and wider defence.

That debate is becoming more urgent. A United Kingdom of nearly 70 million people, pooling its tax base, Armed Forces, intelligence capabilities, energy resources, industrial capacity and international influence, has weight in an increasingly dangerous world. Break it apart and you don’t simply redraw a few lines on a constitutional map: you divide resources, institutions, military infrastructure, public finances and political power.

For too long, nationalists have been allowed to talk about the future while unionists are expected merely to defend the past. That must change.

The argument for the Union is increasingly about the future: how we grow together, how we pay for the public services we expect, how we protect ourselves and what influence we want these islands to have in a world becoming more dangerous by the month.

If Sinn Féin, the SNP and Plaid Cymru are going to coordinate their arguments for breaking up the United Kingdom, those of us who believe in it must articulate what would be lost.

A confident Union should not be frightened of debate. It should be frightened of complacency.